Have we lost the youth?

Kaitlin Dryburgh

Why are we losing the youth? Why will they not conform? Why is it that young people are at odds with the system?
Well, it might have something to do with the fact that the system is at odds with them.

These questions are often spouted by the maturer (or privileged) commentators of today, and one can’t help but despair at the irony of it all. After all they have ‘won’ the system, bought houses when prices were reasonable, ridden inflation with the reassuring knowledge that workers' wages were increasing at the same time, and lived most of their adult lives with a well-functioning NHS, etc. Of course, they weathered storms like the financial crash and high interest rates at certain points in time. But their journey to maturity was far less bumpy.

It's a rather alarming prospect that there seems to be an increasing abandonment of democratic ideologies among younger age groups. A new study found that a fifth of Britons under 45 believe that "a strong leader who doesn’t have to bother with elections" is an effective leader and a viable way to run the country. This study isn’t a shock; there has been a trickle of data over the years revealing a disconnection between younger people and the system in which they exist.

The unfortunate thing is that it seems to be here to stay.

Does that mean younger generations are looking up to figures like Putin in admiration and wishing to be ruled by such a person? Perhaps. However, I would argue that this swing away from democracy has more to do with disdain for the current system than a longing for totalitarianism.

Younger generations have been put through the ringer by policies they never voted for and political ideologies that have, so far, never worked out in their favour. The Thatcherism of the 1980s, which shut down industries and promised more money in workers’ pockets, of course, never materialised. It set us on the path of neoliberalism. Dependent on free markets and globalisation, it spawned economic strategies like austerity that lurched over childhoods, continues to haunt adulthood, and has had knock-on effects for the generations that followed.

Young people today are approximately 20% less likely to be able to afford to buy a home than those in 1990. They are at the mercy of private landlords, with rent increasing its share of people’s outgoings every month. Protections for renters are weak and, in Scotland, arguably worse off than a few years ago, since the fixed rent cap is no more. Furthermore, according to new Scottish Government statistics, homelessness shows an almost unanimous increase across all categories.

Now, the UK Government’s strategy to improve lives hinges on growth – growing an economy from which young people feel financially excluded. Boosting GDP is no new concept, and despite what they say, it still won’t put money in workers’ pockets enough to counterbalance the rise in inflation, especially if you’re just starting out in your career.

Trying to get young people to engage with democracy, their communities, and have faith in the government when all they’re offering is more of the same thing that isn’t working is an impossibly stupid strategy.

We find ourselves in an era where the far-right has a growing appeal, democracy is less popular, and for many, this is because they are so discontent with what’s currently on offer. Where do you turn when the current system doesn’t provide any answers? The rise of the far-right is often cited as an example of the disillusionment among young people, with instances across the globe. However, it could be said that it isn’t just the far-right that has seen a rise in popularity, but all extreme views.

In the UK context, the riots of last summer served as a symbol of what disillusionment looks like. We cannot defend these racially motivated riots, but for some, the road to ending up in that riot was long, and it will continue unless things start to change.

There was a mix of age groups in attendance at the riots, from retirees to those as young as twelve, but it’s thought that the average age was between 25 and 32, according to various reports. Over half of those charged in the riots came from some of the most deprived areas of England. For many, they have fallen victim to populist sentiments due to a lack of belonging and faith in current mainstream politics.

If we look at the influx of knife crime stories that have hit the headlines in recent years, although most of them relate to England, the context in which they exist is no different in Scotland. They tell a sad story. The links between austerity, direct cuts to youth services and social work, and knife crime among young people are too direct to ignore. There are probably several people who would still be alive today if the local youth clubs, sports clubs, etc., had not been shut down. There wouldn’t be so many youth offenders who have lost their future, and there would have been more young people leading well-rounded, better lives. Studies have shown that austerity cuts – which young people didn’t vote for – made them more likely to perform worse in exams and more likely to commit crimes.

Those who grew up during austerity have moved on to the next stages in life, but for the young people following them, those youth clubs and services still don’t exist.

Scotland is no different. Cuts to youth services are widespread, and a quick search reveals dozens of examples of clubs or services at risk of closure or unfortunately having to shut their doors. From Govan, Leith, and Aberdeen, national programmes and locally run initiatives have come under immense pressure.

It’s not only the clubs themselves but the social infrastructure. Over the past several decades, both the UK and Scottish Governments have sold off thousands of playing fields and public land. We’ve seen libraries close and community halls shut down. The rise of PFI schools has led to the privatisation of public infrastructure, where once it was cost-effective for local initiatives to hire out school halls, fields, or swimming pools, it has now become prohibitively expensive. The number of public places for young people to exist in outside of school are dwindling. The alternatives aren’t better.

Where are the spaces for the youth? If we want to create adults who are engaged and not angry with the democratic system and the world around them, we must give them that sense of belonging from an early age. Not make them feel as though the system is rigged against them.

In a sign of hope, the Outdoor Education Bill has garnered more support, this time from the Education, Children, and Young People Committee. Striving to provide school children with guaranteed residential outdoor trips will have a huge positive impact. Yet, it needs the financial backing to make this worthwhile. I know there are many aspects of society in need of funding, but isn’t it time we put some back into the youth of today? They’ve been suffering for too long, and the side-effects are too severe.