Are we breaking-up?

The UK-US relationship was supposed to be different—not like the others.
Early on, we were inseparable. We enjoyed the same things, like wars. Fighting the Nazis and taking down the baddies—sure, sometimes the wars were illegal, but you know what they say: a couple who lies to the UN Security Council together stays together. We rode the high of globalisation and neoliberalism in the 80s and worked closely together to find peace in Northern Ireland. But is it all over now? Of course, we’ve had our ups and downs, but it seems you’re casting us aside. All that love down the drain as the US swipes left on the UK.

With Trump having been in his second term for a month, he has made it quite clear that he does not value the opinions of those over in old Blighty. As he embarks on talks with Russia concerning the Ukraine war, he has chosen to do so without the presence of any European input. This follows JD Vance’s newsworthy speech at the Munich Security Conference, where he made his administration’s feelings on European politics abundantly direct. The headline? They’re not a fan. As Europe tries to grapple with the rise of right-wing politics, Vance said, bring it on. While taking a dig at NATO, he made it evident that the shared values that once bound us together no longer exist. Perhaps even more concerning was the lack of criticism directed at Russia, with US peace talks this week indicating a more amicable relationship with Putin than anyone had first envisioned. The anti-woke, pro-isolationist, and overall populist speech was a sign that the transatlantic relationship is undergoing a fundamental shift.

And the UK shouldn’t be in denial—the ‘special relationship’ is pretty much over, or at least on a break.

The special relationship between the UK and US was truly solidified between Churchill and Truman, with both countries on similar terms. Even if not ideologically identical, there was always a common thread that bound the two together—like the economic outlook of Thatcher and Reagan, jointly waging war on socialism. At times, we have blindly followed them, considering the US one of our closest allies, but it seems the ideological chasm between the two countries is now too vast.

Growing up I became aware of the UK-US special relationship from the coverage of the Iraq War on TV. I have a distinct, almost fever-dream-like memory of my parents watching the news update announcing that Saddam Hussein had been captured by US troops, just before I headed off to a Singing Kettle concert dressed as a Christmas tree.

Not that this is particularly relevant, but the UK-US special relationship was always somewhat prominent in my childhood when looking at current affairs. I’m part of a generation that missed Thatcherism and Reaganomics, wasn’t around for the Good Friday Agreement with Clinton, caught the burning embers of Blair and Bush, but really began taking notice when Obama was in office. It was at this point that people my age would have started recognising the fairly consistent media attention surrounding the special relationship between the two nations.

We’ve come a long way since Obama’s first term, and the relationship isn’t so special anymore. Obama and Cameron were really the beginning of the end; they butted heads on several diplomatic issues, and although Obama claimed to like Cameron personally, they were often at odds. The Etonian and the cool guy from humble beginnings weren’t exactly a match made in heaven.

Perhaps Boris and Trump were not too far off being compatible, but by that point, Trump’s ideology didn’t allow room for a special relationship (although perhaps special in a different way—who could forget that bizarre image of Trump holding Theresa May’s hand?). Biden never really showed true warmth towards the UK either. On several occasions, he subtly snubbed both the country and its politicians. The complete disaster of the US and UK withdrawal from Afghanistan further fractured relations, pointing to a lack of coordination and consideration that wouldn’t have occurred under Blair and Bush.

The essence of the relationship died decades ago—perhaps some are only realising it now.

We have put a lot of effort into maintaining this relationship. The British-American Project has been running since 1985 with the aim of strengthening transatlantic ties. The fellows include prominent politicians from all UK parties, high-profile journalists, and academics. A lot has been invested in ensuring that our politicians remain sympathetic towards the US.

Yet, I can’t help but feel that younger generations don’t really recognise the significance of the once-special relationship between the US and the UK. The history isn’t as relevant anymore, and with other global players emerging, it isn’t as clear-cut as before. Although right-wing political views have gained traction in the UK, it’s nothing on the scale of the US. With the rollback of legislation such as abortion rights—rights that remain strongly supported in the UK—it could be argued that the British public no longer resonates with America, as much as they did before.

The war in Gaza has further driven a wedge between the UK and its perception of the special relationship with the US. The US’s seemingly unwavering support for Israel is not widely popular in the UK, where a majority of the public believes Israel has gone too far, with sympathies mostly lying with the Palestinians.

So although it may feel like the cool kid at school is dumping us, there’s something to be said for people on this side of the Atlantic taking off their rose-tinted glasses and realising that there might be another way to approach diplomacy in a changing world.

Yet, the UK—along with the likes of France and Germany—must also accept its shifting place in the global order. Brexit damaged the UK’s standing, but beyond that, rising global powers and shifting alliances have further weakened Europe’s strategic importance. Many African nations are gravitating towards stronger ties with China, while Arab nations play an increasingly pivotal role in peace negotiations. The global diplomatic landscape is evolving, and the UK’s influence isn’t what it once was.

A month into Trump’s second presidency, the situation already looks fairly catastrophic. The UK’s foreign policy strategy of clinging to the US must be reconsidered—we can no longer rely on them for security. We are no longer a superpower, and now, we’re not even in the room.

Our new position may call for a soft power approach, which, while different, can still be highly effective in building meaningful international relationships. The uncoupling from the US is likely to open up new opportunities to forge stronger ties with other nations and prioritise de-escalation in global conflicts.

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